Somewhere inside Zia Yusuf, there’s a competent politician trying to get out. The Reform UK home affairs spokesman is well-dressed, relatively charismatic and ambitious. Perhaps in normal times, he would have made a passable junior minister in the Conservative Party.
But these are not normal times. The Conservative Party is in a state of decay and right-wing politicians have every incentive to edge towards the extreme. Yusuf is either too weak to resist that pull or too venal to want to.
He is a true product of the social media age. A man whose every utterance appears to be subliminally guided by what will get him the most likes on X.com, even as each one of these likes makes his ultimate political success less probable.
Yusuf’s latest outburst saw him describe former Conservative defence secretary Ben Wallace a “traitor to Britain”. It was a fairly standard Yusuf outburst. “Incredible that this moron was defence secretary,” he wrote, before castigating him for the “import” of Afghans.
Just for the record, and so this is stated clearly: Wallace served in the Armed Forces for his country. In government, he presided competently and energetically over Britain’s defence response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. He deserves better than to have a mewling child accuse him of treason.
What has Yusuf’s career entailed? He went to private school, then worked at Merrill Lynch and Goldman Sachs, then founded a “luxury concierge company”. He then joined the party of Nigel Farage, a man who in 2014 said Vladimir Putin was the world leader he most admired because of “the way he played the whole Syria thing”.
This moment seems to have finally woken up otherwise sympathetic right-wing voices to Yusuf’s personality. Even Farage seemed a little taken aback, telling The Sun that “traitor” was “too strong a word” and he will give Yusuf a “ticking off”. It was a pitiful, featherweight intervention, but of course Farage’s entire worldview encourages this type of language so it is unsurprising that he considers it so trivial an incident.
The word traitor is a common refrain for Yusuf. “Recent events demonstrate why I view the Tory and Labour politicians who created the burning injustice of modern Britain as traitors to their country,” he wrote last year. “A reckoning is coming.”
This rhetoric casts political opponents not as people you disagree with, but as figures actively attempting to undermine the nation state. It trades in a dark narrative of treason and retribution, with overtones of violence.
Obviously none of this stops him turning on a dime when Reform is criticised, at which point he becomes incredibly thin-skinned. “Many politicians and members of the media are effectively stopping the function of democracy by creating an environment of such hostility for Reform and making it unpalatably dangerous to air perfectly reasonable views,” he said recently, as if completely ignorant of his own output over the last two years.
When Green leader Zack Polanski accidentally shared an image of a man wearing a T-shirt featuring a guillotine and the phrase “We’re only making plans for Nigel”, before quickly deleting it, Yusuf reported it to the authorities. “This is incitement to murder,” he insisted. “It should be treated as such by the police.”
Yusuf’s bile is not reserved for politicians, it encompasses voters as well. He has been instrumental in convincing the party to adopt a policy of mass deportations on a scale without precedent in British political history. He wants two million people sent home, including those who are here legally. The deportation programme will require vast detention camps.
Yusuf suggested the party would use these camps as a kind of carrot-and-stick measure towards the British public. Constituencies which voted Reform would not have to host one, but those which voted Green would.
“Given the Green Party advocate for open borders and for an infinite number of undocumented men to come here, we will prioritise Green constituencies and Green-controlled councils to locate these detention centres,” he said.
This is evidently how national resources would be allocated under a Reform government – not by need or capacity but by the extent of the local population’s submission to the regime. Yusuf apparently has the same burning hatred towards voters who do not support him as he has towards politicians who oppose him. It is hard to overstate how vindictive and dangerous he would prove in power.
Yusuf shares a ceaseless churn of tweets, intended to whip up support and drive up shares. Under Elon Musk, the website boosts right-wing content. It therefore encourages Yusuf’s most intemperate posts and discourages any hint of moderation.
In the end, this will undermine the party. No matter how wary British voters are of immigration, they are not in the market for this type of blood-and-fire rhetoric or the personalities who utter it.
Yusuf is not really unusual in Reform’s ecosystem – he is just a less sophisticated version of the main man himself, Farage. Yusuf casts politics as a battle between loyalists and traitors. He trades in the rhetoric of the blood-dimmed tide, the vague promise of revenge which is simultaneously deniable and yet tailored for the ears of those who want to hear it. He tells a story of national victimhood and of a treasonous elite which has undermined us. He plans to implement extreme programmes involving US-style ICE raids with massive detention camps.
In short, he trades in extremist rhetoric and proposes extremist ideas. The reason Farage resists doing anything about him is because Yusuf is ultimately symptomatic of the entire project. He is a fair reflection of its manner and its values.
He is the true face of Reform: snarling and dangerous.
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