Netanyahu was not then a suspect in that investigation. But he was already on trial for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. A sitting prime minister was telling two democracies that their justice systems were instruments of usurpation rather than forums of judgment.
The most recent example came earlier this month. On July 5, in defiance of a High Court order, Netanyahu’s government declared that it would not recognize decisions made by the country’s TV and radio regulator. Eleven days later, in the final hours of its term, the Knesset—whose ruling coalition was led by Netanyahu’s Likud party—passed a law abolishing the regulator and replacing it with a new authority whose leadership the government would largely control. Netanyahu participated in the legislative debate, despite the fact that his bribery charge concerns alleged regulatory favors exchanged for favorable coverage. The July 5 declaration had not yet precipitated a full constitutional crisis, but it supplied the logic of one: when the court judged the government, the government claimed the right to judge the court.
Netanyahu is commonly described as divisive. But division describes the effect, not the method. The sharper word is accusation. He turns every judgment against him into evidence of conspiracy and leaves the public unable to distinguish prosecution from persecution.
Netanyahu has always denied that his rhetoric during the campaign against the Oslo accords was intended to incite violence. But a politics of accusation does not require the leader to author every charge. It requires him to benefit from the atmosphere the charges create, and to let the boundary between opposition and treason dissolve. Two years later, as prime minister, Netanyahu was caught by an open microphone as he whispered to Rabbi Yitzhak Kaduri, “The left has forgotten what it means to be Jewish.” This was not a policy argument. It was an act of excommunication.
In 2023, the counter-prosecution became a program of government. Netanyahu’s coalition sought to reduce the Supreme Court’s power, alter the selection of judges, and limit the legal institutions capable of restraining the executive. Arguments could be made for rebalancing the court’s authority; Israelis had debated its reach for decades. The tell was scale, simultaneity, and authorship: so many restraints loosened at once, under a prime minister standing trial.
Accusation alone, however, does not explain Netanyahu’s endurance. His rule offered Israelis a bargain. They were told that Hamas could be deterred, that the conflict could be managed indefinitely, that normalization with distant Arab states could bypass the Palestinians living under Israel’s occupation, that prosperity could substitute for political settlement. What was sold as vigilance became permission not to see.
Even then, accusation moved faster than accountability. In the early hours of October 29, Netanyahu posted that the heads of military intelligence and the Shin Bet had never warned him of Hamas’s war intentions and had instead assured him that the organization was deterred. Hours later, amid criticism that he was shifting blame while the war was still unfolding, he deleted the post and apologized. It was later revealed that he had received warnings that Israel’s deterrence was eroding and the danger of attack was rising (although no public evidence has established that he was specifically warned of the October 7 assault). The deletion could not erase the reflex the post revealed: to assign blame before accepting responsibility.
The bill passed only the first of three required readings before the Knesset dissolved; no commission was created.
The charges against Netanyahu concern conduct that can seem petty beside the national crises he has helped create: accepting cigars and champagne from wealthy benefactors and using public power to secure favorable media coverage. But the smallness of the appetites does not diminish the scale of the damage; it exposes the private interests beneath the public crusade. Netanyahu presents himself as a statesman acting on behalf of Jewish history, while the trial—now in its sixth year, with likely two more to go—depicts a politician repeatedly bending public office toward personal advantage. His private interests become national causes, and institutions that threaten them become enemies of the people.
The tempting answer is nothing. That answer must be refused. If nothing could acquit Netanyahu, the argument would become theological, a claim about essence rather than conduct. A secular argument knows only sequence, choice, and repetition. There were exits: retirement after losing power in 2021; a plea agreement that would have required his withdrawal from politics; acceptance of an independent state commission after October 7; a pardon accompanied by an acknowledgment of responsibility. More fundamentally, there was always the possibility of submitting to judgments not of his own making. He rejected or evaded every exit that required him to relinquish power, accept responsibility, or recognize an authority he did not control. The pattern is accumulation, not essence. At every available exit, he chose accusation.
That is why even an electoral defeat in October would not settle the question posed by Netanyahu’s politics. A leader may lose while his method survives him. Institutions can remain standing after the public has been taught to see every judgment as partisan, every finding as fabricated, and every restraint as an enemy act.
The remedy is defense: judges still judging, reporters still documenting, civil servants still upholding procedure under pressure, families still demanding an accounting, citizens still insisting that accusation must answer to evidence. Let accusation be silenced, and let the defense be heard.
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