Labour women in despair at ‘lad politics’ leadership race ...Middle East

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Labour women in despair at ‘lad politics’ leadership race

If Andy Burnham is crowned leader of the Labour Party, as many expect, he will be the 21st man to lead the party in its 120-year-history- and it will remain the only major UK political party never to have had a permanent woman leader, with the exception of Reform.

It is a fact leaving many Labour MPs – both men and women – in despair.

    There are many visible women at the top of the Labour Angela Rayner is mentioned in every discussion about potential leaders, Lucy Powell is the deputy leader, three of the four great offices of state are held by women – Rachel Reeves in the Treasury, Yvette Cooper at the foreign office and Shabana Mahmood as Home Secretary.

    But for a party that prides itself on progressivism, equality, and social justice, many believe that not have a had a woman in command it is a damning record.

    The Conservative Party has put three women – Margaret Thatcher, Theresa May and Liz Truss – into the highest office in the land.

    The Scottish National Party, the Liberal Democrats, the Green Party, Plaid Cymru and even the Democratic Unionist Party have all at some point been led by a woman. Reform, at just seven years old, has only ever had two leaders, discounting founder Catherine Blaiklock, who led its former iteration the Brexit Party for its first two months of existence in 2018.

    The best Labour has managed is to have Margaret Beckett as Acting Leader for 71 days after the death of John Smith, and Harriet Harman who held the fort twice, also while elections for a permanent leader took place – one nine month stint in 2010 after Gordon Brown stepped down, and again in 2015 when Ed Miliband stepped down.

    ‘Still a party that has a woman problem’

    So why does the Labour Party appear to have such a women problem?

    This question was posed to multiple Labour MPs – both male and female – from different regions and wings of the party and their response was startling.

    In an age when it is widely assumed that women have smashed the glass ceiling, they claimed the party was inherently misogynistic.

    Behind the scenes, the MPs paint a bleak picture of an institution trapped in a time warp. The modern machinery of the party, they argue, is still fuelled by a working-class hyper-masculine culture that sidelines women.

    This performative “lad politics” has created an environment where female authority is subtly resisted. The political shorthand for leadership remains tied to patriarchal tropes – the regular bloke holding a pint, shouting from a soapbox, or bonding over the weekend’s football results.

    This is not to say women don’t enjoy football or pints, but that the culture is inherently male.

    When women try to command the same space, they find themselves trapped in a double standard: either too soft to lead, or too “difficult” if they show strength.

    As one Labour minister put it: “I think there are deep pockets of misogyny in the party and some trade unions. This is worse when we are in power as you can see in No10 and the mainly male policy advisers.

    “I think despite the Labour Party talking and championing equality, we are still a party that has a woman problem. If you challenge and speak up, you are considered a difficult woman.

    “Young women are dismissed as they don’t know anything and older women are sidelined as past it. We still have an outdated view about what a leader looks like and sounds like. For example, talking about football and having a pint seems the default position.”

    ‘We don’t have a decent woman standing’

    Another Labour MP added: “There is still a view that the working classes like the strong male leader and we forget that our electorate is no longer the working classes but the progressives and urban populations who want competence, intelligence, especially emotional intelligence, and relatability.”

    This widespread disillusionment has led to a sense of resignation among some members of the Parliamentary Party. Even those who desperately want to see change find themselves falling into line behind male figures.

    Another Labour MP admitted frankly: “I feel bad that I’m supporting a man as we don’t have a decent woman standing.”

    Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, has been touted by some Labour MPs as a potential “safe pair of hands” to take over if Burnham fails in his bid to return to Westminster. Angela Rayner, the former Deputy Prime Minister, is the other woman who could enter the race.

    However, neither appears to be seen as a serious contender by their colleagues and many doubt that they would be able to muster the required 81 MPs to back them in order to stand.

    “I would really like to see a woman leader,” said a government figure. “It’s terrible and deeply embarrassing that we have never elected a female leader. I think if Any Burnham fails to win Makerfield, then Yvette could see momentum move behind her”

    ‘It’s misogyny plain and simple’

    This sense of defeatism points to a deeper paradox within the movement. Despite various internal structural mechanisms designed to increase female representation – such as all-women shortlists, which were used for decades to boost the number of female MPs – the top job remains tantalisingly out of reach.

    According to some insiders, the resistance to a female leader does not just come from the top down; it is woven into the very fabric of local constituency parties and internalised by female members themselves.

    A third Labour MP explained the phenomenon: “I think it’s misogyny plain and simple. It’s never the right woman. And it’s very often women that reject the woman candidate.

    “I also think women only shortlist for seats works against women somehow. Members begrudge being told they have to select a female.”

    Perhaps the most devastating critique of Labour’s internal culture comes from those who have chosen to walk away from it entirely.

    Rosie Duffield’s resignation and subsequent comments deliver a scathing criticism of Labour’s internal culture, which she describes as having a serious “woman problem” and functioning as an entrenched “Boys Club.”

    She argues that female candidates carry the burden of “historic and current deep-rooted misogyny,” facing obstacles that are often invisible but widely understood inside the movement.

    According to Duffield, now the independent MP for Canterbury, success within Labour depends less on merit and more on hierarchy, patronage, and proximity to powerful men, with many women pressured either to ignore these dynamics or suffer the consequences of speaking out.

    ‘Never mention the boys club’

    Duffield outlines a series of what she calls “unwritten but well-established rules.” The first is that “the Leader of the Party must only be a man,” claiming leadership contests are shaped by wealthy backers, strategic endorsements, and institutional support that ultimately favour male candidates.

    The second rule is to “never under any circumstances mention the Boys Club,” warning that women who challenge the culture risk “briefings,” scandals, and coordinated retaliation.

    A third rule centres on hierarchy and nepotism: advancement, she argues, often depends on connections to influential men rather than championing an individual’s working-class roots or ability.

    Her fourth rule describes a culture of silence and self-preservation among women within the party. Duffield claims female politicians are expected not to intervene when other women face “bullying, sidelining, ghosting or campaigns” against them.

    Instead, they are encouraged to dismiss concerns with phrases like “nothing to see here” or portray outspoken women as disloyal outsiders.

    In Duffield’s view, conformity is rewarded with political survival, while dissent can lead to reputational damage and replacement by “well-connected” figures.

    Overall, her critique portrays Labour as a system where misogyny is both deeply embedded and rarely acknowledged openly.

    Pattern had to ignore

    Whether Labour accepts these criticisms or dismisses them as bitterness from those who have latterly become disaffected, the pattern is hard to ignore.

    Decade after decade, female MPs have risen through the party, held senior offices of state, and helped shape its direction. In the 1960s and 70s Barbara Castle blazed a trail for women in politics, even, some argue, indirectly paving the way for Margaret Thatcher through her example. Yet when leadership moments arrive, power repeatedly consolidates around men.

    That tension goes beyond personalities or factional politics. Women make up a huge part of Labour’s membership, voter base and parliamentary ranks, yet many inside the party believe female leadership is still treated as a risk rather than a natural progression.

    As Labour searches for its future identity, some MPs fear it is also clinging to an increasingly narrow and outdated vision of authority – one rooted in masculine political traditions that no longer fully reflect either the modern electorate or the movement itself.

    For all the party’s talk of renewal and reconnecting with its working-class roots, the unanswered question remains whether Labour is truly prepared to imagine leadership differently.

    Until it does, the party risks sending a message – intentionally or not – that even after more than a century since its inception, the people trusted to embody Labour values at the very top still overwhelmingly look the same.

    The Labour Party has been approached for comment.

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