Amid ambiguity and the absence of a clear institutional framework, implementation of the agreement signed between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) is set to begin tomorrow, Monday, February 2.
Although the start of procedural steps has been announced, the past hours have seen an escalation in conflicting statements from both sides over implementation mechanisms. The divergence has exposed a gap in how each party understands the substance of the agreement and its administrative and security applications.
Deadline: Between “Decisive” and “Open Ended”
The first point of disagreement appears in the timeline, with the Syrian government presenting a decisive, time-bound account.
Syria’s Information Minister said the agreement is merely a “roadmap” to build on the understandings reached on January 18.
According to the official narrative, the two sides were given one month for full implementation, with a ten day deadline for taking over strategic facilities, including the Rmelan and al Suwaydiyah oil fields and Qamishli Airport.
By contrast, the Autonomous Administration offered a different account. Kurdish official Fawza Youssef said in remarks to Ronahi TV that “there is no specific final deadline” for implementing the agreement.
This contradiction puts the ground reality between two visions: a government vision that is rushing to consolidate sovereignty, and an SDF vision that treats the agreement as an open process subject to developments.
Appointments Dispute: “Nominees” or “Appointed”?
The contradictions have moved from the field to official institutions, with circulating leaks about names nominated for senior posts within the Syrian state structure.
Media sources close to the SDF have spoken of names that have already been “appointed,” while Damascus insists they are “nominees.”
In comments to Enab Baladi, a Syrian government source confirmed some of the names being circulated, but stressed they remain in the nomination stage from the SDF side, and that no official appointment decisions have been issued yet. The source suggested formal appointments could be announced within the coming hours.
The list of nominations includes Noureddin Issa, the former SDF public relations official, for Hasakah governor, Jia Kobani for deputy defense minister, Ridor Khalil for deputy interior minister, and Siyamand Afrin as deputy director of General Security in Hasakah province.
This discrepancy in legal framing reflects an undeclared struggle over which side holds appointment authority, between Qamishli and Damascus.
Security Administration: Full Sovereignty or Symbolic “Security Squares”?
The file of deploying Syrian government internal security forces to the cities of al Hasakah and Qamishli is among the most contentious provisions of the agreement.
While Damascus speaks of a comprehensive security plan under which it would manage the security file in full, the SDF describes the entry as limited, symbolic, and temporary, aimed at facilitating the integration of its personnel into the Interior Ministry structure.
Fawza Youssef said government forces would be stationed in specific areas in a model resembling “security squares,” while the Asayish, the SDF’s internal security forces, would remain in their current positions.
The disagreement extends to the definition of “local security.” While the Syrian government appointed Marwan al Ali as Hasakah security director by direct decision, the SDF argues the security file should remain in the hands of local forces, which it says explains the nomination of Siyamand Afrin as deputy director of General Security.
Resources and Crossings: Unresolved Files
The gap is also evident in the resources file. Damascus says it is close to taking over oil facilities, while SDF official Ilham Ahmed said in a Zoom press conference that all aspects of security and control in areas under SDF influence will remain under its administration at the current stage, and would later be integrated into Syrian institutions through mechanisms that have not yet been discussed.
Ahmed noted that sovereign files, including the Qamishli Nusaybin crossing with Turkey, have not been settled yet, contradicting the “decisive” tone promoted by official media in Damascus.
The Dilemma of “Mixed Areas” and the Integration Mechanism
The agreement stipulates that local forces will manage security in Kurdish majority areas, but it does not define the fate of towns and villages with Arab or Christian majorities, such as Tal Tamr.
This ambiguity gives the Syrian government room to rely on local forces aligned with it, while the SDF seeks to preserve influence under the label of “local forces.”
Militarily, the Syrian government insists on integrating SDF fighters individually into three military brigades, which would mean dismantling the SDF’s command structure.
In contrast, statements by SDF officials indicate a preference for integration as blocs or existing institutions, which the article links to the nomination of a figure such as Jia Kobani for deputy defense minister, in order to secure representation for that structure inside the military institution.
Conclusion
Overall, the agreement is entering its implementation phase without a unified mechanism for interpretation and application. What Damascus frames as a restoration of sovereignty through central decisions, the SDF views as an institutional partnership governed by negotiated conditions. Meanwhile, the situation on the ground remains open to further rounds of push and pull.
The Damascus–SDF Agreement Enters into Force Tomorrow, as Interpretations Diverge Enab Baladi.
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