From the onset of his foray into presidential politics a decade ago, Donald Trump has been obsessed with managing California’s water, often interjecting himself into decades-long conflicts over how the precious commodity should be divvied up.
During his first stint as president, Trump was heavily influenced by the Westlands Water District, a huge agricultural water agency in the San Joaquin Valley that sought more irrigation water for itself and other farm interests.
That relationship led to an extremely controversial contract that guaranteed Westlands as much as 1 million acre-feet of water each year from the federal Central Valley Project, solidifying the district’s supply situation. Lacking water rights, Westlands had historically depended on temporary contracts to meet members’ demands.
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After Trump moved back into the White House in January, he immediately picked up where he left off, issuing an order to federal water officials to maximize deliveries in California.
He also complained that a shortage of water deliveries to Southern California was a factor in the rapid spread of deadly wildfires in Los Angeles County, claiming that the state’s efforts to protect “an essentially worthless fish called a smelt” was at fault.
“Governor Gavin Newscum refused to sign the water restoration declaration put before him that would have allowed millions of gallons of water, from excess rain and snow melt from the North, to flow daily into many parts of California, including the areas that are currently burning in a virtually apocalyptic way,” Trump wrote on his social media site, Truth Social.
Newsom’s office rebuked the claim, saying, “There is no such document as the water restoration declaration – that is pure fiction.”
Meanwhile, Trump’s executive order pushed the Bureau of Reclamation to modify how it operates the Central Valley Project, a complex of reservoirs — including Lake Shasta — and canals that captures runoff from Northern California mountains and supplies water agencies in the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys.
Last week, the bureau announced an operational modification that would increase annual water deliveries by 130,000 to 180,000 acre-feet from the Central Valley Project and another 120,000 to 220,000 from the State Water Project, the latter chiefly generated from the Oroville Dam on the Feather River. The two projects share management of the Sacramento River and its tributaries.
“This updated operations plan reflects our commitment to using the best available science to increase water deliveries while safeguarding the environment and honoring the legacy of the Central Valley Project’s 90 years of service,” Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum said in a statement.
The announcement sparked reactions, both pro and con, that reflect the state’s long-running water allocation battles — praise from Westlands and other agricultural water agencies that are facing supply reductions from regulation of groundwater use and condemnation from state officials and environmental groups.
“These operational refinements reflect a thoughtful, data-informed approach that strengthens water supply availability for growers while maintaining California’s commitment to environmental stewardship,” Westlands said in a statement.
Newsom spokesperson, Tara Gallegos, had another take: “The Trump administration is putting politics over people — catering to big donors instead of doing what’s right for Californians. As per usual, the emperor is left with no clothes, pushing for an outcome that disregards science and undermines our ability to protect the water supply for people, farms, and the environment.”
So here we go again, another chapter in the war over water that began when California became a state 175 years ago. It’s probably headed to the courts and will probably outlast not only Newsom’s governorship but Trump’s presidency.
Dan Walters is a CalMatters columnist.
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