Al-Sharaa Climbs the Kremlin Stairs: Interests Rise from the Ashes of War ...Syria

Yesterday’s enemy has become today’s partner. In mid-October, Syria’s transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, shook hands with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, after climbing the Kremlin’s long staircase.

Moscow, which granted asylum to the ousted president, Bashar al-Assad, welcomed al-Sharaa and a high-level Syrian delegation at the Kremlin just a few kilometers from Assad’s residence in the Moscow City business district.

The visit carried multiple files and messages. It drew criticism as well as praise, yet it marked a turning point in relations between the two countries.

Russia, which bombed Syria for years and backed Assad politically and militarily even after his fall by spiriting him out with his entourage and granting him humanitarian asylum, is opening a new page with the new Damascus. Obstacles, however, stand in the way of restoring ties, starting with rights-related issues tied to Russia’s record in Syria over the past 14 years, in addition to Damascus’s relations with Western capitals, some of which are openly hostile to Moscow.

In this file, Enab Baladi examines through researchers, academics, and experts the dimensions of al-Sharaa’s first visit to Moscow, discussing its aims and implications, as well as the prospects for handing over the deposed president, Bashar al-Assad.

Syria’s political ties with Russia date back to the 1970s during the Soviet Union era, when former President Hafez al-Assad strengthened the relationship that continued under his son, forming one of the key pillars supporting his regime.

After the fall of the previous Syrian government, relations between the new Syrian administration and Moscow shifted from confrontation to initial coldness, which later gave way to efforts aimed at resetting tensions and restoring ties, efforts recently crowned by Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s visit to the Kremlin.

Syrian political researcher Dr. Nader al-Khalil believes al-Sharaa’s visit to Moscow is more than a routine diplomatic move. He describes it as a pivotal moment reflecting political pragmatism, intended to reposition Syria within the global alliance map after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

He added that the issues on the table reveal a desire to move beyond historical resentments in favor of direct national interests with both strategic and future-oriented dimensions.

Several matters have surfaced between the two countries, ranging from the extradition of the deposed president to either local or international courts, to the fate of Russian military bases in Syria, chief among them Hmeimim Air Base in Latakia (western Syria) and the port of Tartous (on the Mediterranean), as well as security, economic, military, and regional issues.

Researcher and director of the Russian Studies Unit at the Arab Eurasian Studies Center, Dmitry Bridzhe, told Enab Baladi that several key files drive Moscow to maintain and deepen this relationship toward a more comprehensive partnership. These revolve around four main areas that define the new phase of Syrian-Russian relations.

Syria’s transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin, on October 15, 2025 (TASS)

Southern Syria

The first file, according to Bridzhe, concerns the security situation in southern Syria. Russia seeks to prevent any military escalation or chaos along the occupied Golan Heights and Jordanian borders, preserving the balance of power and curbing both Israeli expansion and the resurgence of armed groups.

Bridzhe said Moscow sees southern Syria as a real testing ground for its regional influence and aims to play the role of guarantor of the ceasefire and security stability there.

Russia had previously deployed security points in the southern region near the disengagement line along the Syrian-Israeli border to prevent tensions between the two sides.

Following the fall of the previous regime, discussions arose about reestablishing these observation points and resuming Russian patrols to counter Israeli incursions in Daraa and Quneitra along the border region.

Arming the Army

The second file, according to Bridzhe, involves training and arming the new Syrian army. Russia is working to restructure the military institution under a modern professional framework that includes enhancing command and control systems, providing advanced air defense systems, and offering training on modern Russian weaponry.

This support, Bridzhe said, aims to build a professional military institution capable of protecting the country and ensuring its stability, making the Syrian army a central pillar of regional security and the defense of Syria’s territorial integrity.

Before President al-Sharaa’s visit, a Syrian Defense Ministry delegation led by the Chief of General Staff Maj. Gen. Ali al-Nassan arrived in Moscow on October 2.

The delegation examined air defense systems, reconnaissance and combat drones, and heavy military equipment as part of efforts to strengthen cooperation and exchange expertise, according to the ministry’s statement.

The former Syrian army, now dissolved, had relied entirely on the Eastern Bloc, particularly Russia, for weaponry, organizational structure, and military education.

Shared Economic Interests

The third file, Bridzhe noted, focuses on bringing Russian companies into the Syrian market, especially in energy, oil, reconstruction, transport, and infrastructure sectors.

Moscow views Syria’s reconstruction as a massive economic opportunity and an extension of its regional economic influence, strengthening its position as a direct competitor to the West in the Middle East.

Researcher Nader al-Khalil believes Moscow can provide vital resources beyond the reach of Western sanctions, noting the possible return of companies like Tatneft, specializing in oil, and Goznak, which prints banknotes, signs of a pragmatic, not ideological, partnership.

Talks are also underway about establishing a joint Syrian Russian investment fund to finance reconstruction projects and stimulate the local economy through public-private partnerships from both sides.

According to Bridzhe, this fund would serve as a financial lever for implementing major projects and providing liquidity without reliance on Western financial institutions.

Foreign Fighters

The fourth file, according to Bridzhe, concerns foreign fighters originating from Russian republics who have joined the new Syrian army.

Bridzhe believes that Russia views the persistence of what it calls pockets of extremism as a direct threat to its national security. He considers the issue of foreign fighters one of the most dangerous challenges facing the Syrian state today and a top priority in Syrian Russian security and military cooperation.

He explained that the presence of thousands of fighters who entered Syria during the war continues to pose a direct threat to internal stability, Syrian sovereignty, and regional security.

Bridzhe emphasized that this has become a top-tier joint Syrian Russian file, as its repercussions extend beyond Syria into Russia itself.

Many of these fighters come from the Caucasus and Central Asian republics, and some possess significant combat experience gained during the war, making their potential return to their home countries a constant concern for Moscow.

Russia and Syria are currently restructuring how they handle this issue through integrated military, intelligence, and humanitarian approaches, Bridzhe said.

On the ground, joint plans are being drawn up to purge northern and desert regions of remnants of foreign-linked armed groups, particularly in Idlib and eastern Aleppo, where their activity continues with external support.

At the intelligence level, both sides have agreed to establish coordination channels for information exchange and to track funding and smuggling networks operating across the Turkish and Iraqi borders, according to Bridzhe.

He also pointed to a Russian interest in launching rehabilitation and reintegration programs for individuals not directly involved in crimes as part of the broader national reconciliation process in Syria.

Syria’s transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, October 15, 2025 (Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

The Syrian administration has faced widespread criticism, particularly from revolutionary circles, over its relations with Moscow and Russia’s role in supporting the deposed Assad regime.

This raises questions about the potential consequences should the Syrian government choose to ignore Russia and halt efforts to rebuild ties.

Syrian political researcher Nader al-Khalil told Enab Baladi that Russia is a global power that cannot be ignored, and President Ahmed al-Sharaa is well aware of that.

At the same time, he believes the renewed relationship should be limited and conditional, ensuring Syria’s national interests without repeating the mistakes of past dependency, noting that pragmatism must take precedence over sentiment in favor of stability.

Al-Khalil argues that cutting ties with Russia would lead to instability, as al-Sharaa needs Moscow as a counterweight to Israeli, Turkish, and other pressures. He calls for balanced relations to preserve Syria’s stability.

He explained that a rupture would be costly on four levels. Economically, losing Russian support would worsen the ongoing crisis. In terms of security, it could encourage Russian backing for opposing factions or their forced presence, and media reports have pointed to a role played by Hmeimim Air Base in Latakia (western Syria) in supporting former regime loyalists during the coastal events in March. Diplomatically, a break with Moscow would strip Damascus of Russian protection in the UN Security Council and deepen its isolation. Regionally, it would complicate mediation with Turkey and Iran and increase Syria’s isolation.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s request that his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, hand over the deposed president, Bashar al-Assad, during his visit to Moscow sparked extensive debate about the legal and political implications of this move, which represents a popular Syrian demand to prosecute the former regime leader and his associates for crimes against the Syrian people.

The Syrian request was confirmed by Ashhad Salibi, deputy director of the Russia and Eastern Europe Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, who told local media that President al-Sharaa explicitly and repeatedly demanded Assad’s handover, and that the Russian side expressed a clear understanding of the need to achieve transitional justice in Syria.

However, Salibi said the handover of wanted individuals depends on establishing new legal mechanisms. He added that Syria seeks to achieve security and stability through transitional justice as the foundation for comprehensive peace, and that both sides agreed to develop legal frameworks for cooperation on extradition and other pending cases. He also confirmed that discussions included the list of wanted security and military officials currently residing in Moscow.

An Extradition Treaty Signed by Assad Could Lead to His Handover

Syria has signed around twenty-three extradition treaties with Arab and foreign countries, including one with Russia that was approved by the Russian Cabinet in 2022 at Syria’s request and ratified by President Vladimir Putin. Bashar al-Assad himself later issued a decree ratifying it.

International law expert and lawyer Mohammed al-Harblia told Enab Baladi that in October 2022, Assad issued decrees numbered 32 and 33, ratifying two treaties with Russia, one on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters and the other on the extradition of convicted persons. Russia’s State Duma ratified both in April 2023.

Al-Harblia confirmed that the two treaties remain in force, meaning Assad could technically be brought to trial in Syria under an agreement he himself signed for mutual extradition between Syria and the Russian Federation.

Decree number 32Ratifies the treaty on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters signed in St Petersburg on June 29, 2022, by the justice ministers of Syria and Russia.

Decree number 33Ratifies the treaty on the extradition of convicted persons signed in St Petersburg on June 29, 2022, by the justice ministers of both countries.

The Death Penalty May Prevent Assad’s Extradition

The Syrian-Russian extradition treaty reveals a major dilemma regarding perpetrators of crimes, including Bashar al-Assad and his regime officials, according to al-Harblia. The agreement stipulates the extradition of individuals for ordinary criminal offenses while excluding political crimes or cases where the individual may face the death penalty, unless the requesting state guarantees non-execution of the sentence.

This creates a legal and diplomatic gray area about the extent of Russia’s obligations and the principle of state sovereignty.

On one hand, Assad and his associates fall under grave crimes in international law, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Under these norms, granting them asylum conflicts with conventions such as the Genocide Convention, the Geneva Conventions, and the Convention Against Torture, all of which require states to either extradite or prosecute perpetrators on their soil.

On the other hand, the treaty offers Russia a legal justification to refuse extradition if the requested person could face the death penalty.

This places Moscow at a crossroads between international legal obligations and domestic political considerations, making the Assad file one of the most sensitive and complex issues in Syrian-Russian relations.

What International Law Says

As a rule, extradition is a sovereign decision taken by each state, al-Harblia explained, but it must not contradict international treaties that oblige states hosting perpetrators of international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide to either extradite them or prosecute them domestically.

This obligation appears in multiple instruments, including the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the 1949 Geneva Conventions, the 1984 Convention Against Torture, and the 2006 International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

Al-Harblia stressed that granting humanitarian asylum to Bashar al-Assad and his regime officials is inconsistent with international law, raising serious questions about Russia’s justification for offering them refuge.

UN Resolution Requires Russia to Extradite or Prosecute Assad

International Law Expert Mohammed al-Harblia pointed to UN General Assembly Resolution 3074 (1973) as particularly significant for its comprehensiveness and precise legal formulation aimed at ensuring that perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity do not escape punishment.

The resolution lays out several key principles of international cooperation in pursuing, arresting, extraditing, and punishing individuals guilty of such crimes, including the following:

A Syrian military delegation visits the Russian capital, Moscow, October 2, 2025 (Ministry of Defense)

Two Necessary Steps:

Russia’s presence in Syria was never temporary. Moscow strongly supported the Assad regime from the outset of the Syrian revolution, first through political backing and repeated use of its veto power at the UN Security Council in favor of the deposed president.

Its involvement deepened with direct military intervention on September 30, 2015, which shifted the balance of power toward the former regime and redrew control maps by seizing opposition-held areas.

Human rights and criminal law specialist Almoutassim al- Kilani told Enab Baladi that the main negative aspect of such a visit is that it could be politically framed as a step toward normalization before justice is achieved. This, he said, undermines victims’ trust and gives the impression that justice can be bypassed through political or symbolic agreements instead of forming the foundation of any peace process.

He considers it a major mistake to turn the visit into a gateway for renewed relations without setting clear conditions related to accountability for perpetrators, revealing the fate of the forcibly disappeared, compensating victims, and extraditing war criminals.

Demands for Compensation

Rebuilding any relationship between Damascus and Moscow after years of violations must begin with acknowledgment of moral and legal responsibility, not just political interests, according to al- Kilani.

He outlined two essential steps Russia must take on this path. First, it must assume responsibility and acknowledge the war crimes committed. Second, it must compensate the victims and contribute to rebuilding what its military destroyed, through a joint commitment by both sides to establish an independent national mechanism for truth and accountability dedicated to redress.

Russian President Vladimir Putin meets with former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Moscow, March 15, 2023 (Presidency of the Syrian Arab Republic)

Broken by a UN Comment

The Syrian president’s visit to Moscow had implications for regional and international affairs and Syria’s relations with Europe and the United States, yet it was met with notable silence from world powers, raising questions about their position.

Although Syria’s ties with Ukraine, now an adversary of Russia and a Western ally, have continued to improve, and relations with the United States and the European Union have developed, none of these parties commented on the visit, despite their earlier condition that Russian bases must withdraw from Syria after the fall of the former regime.

The United Nations was the first to respond. UN spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric described al-Sharaa’s presence in Moscow as “important,” telling Russia Today on October 16 that “it is important for Syria to strengthen its relations not only with its neighbors but with all countries.”

A U.S. Green Light

According to a report published by The Hill on April 6, the Trump administration remains divided over how to respond to Russia’s military presence in Syria and whether to press the new Syrian government to remove Russian forces from their air and naval bases in western Syria.

A source described as “informed” told the paper that internal debates have taken place within the State Department and the White House, with some officials pushing to remove Russian bases, but that such a withdrawal “is not currently required from the Syrians in exchange for lifting sanctions.”

The U.S. State Department declined to comment on Enab Baladi’s inquiry on October 16 regarding al-Sharaa’s visit to Russia and the continued presence of Russian bases, citing the ongoing U.S. government shutdown.

Syrian journalist Mohammed Abdul Rahim, based in the United States, said Washington’s silence over the visit was “understandable” given its tense relations with Moscow amid the war in Ukraine.

He told Enab Baladi that the U.S. cannot endorse rapprochement between Damascus and Moscow because all its Western allies oppose any Syrian-Russian convergence and have openly urged Damascus to cut ties with Moscow.

However, Abdul Rahim suggested that Syria’s move likely had quiet U.S. approval, noting that Damascus would not have taken such a step without a silent nod from Washington, as the Syrian government currently avoids any confrontation with the United States.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa arrives in Moscow, October 15, 2025 (SANA)

Washington Encourages a Russian Role in Syria

According to Abdul Rahim, Washington still sees value in a Russian role in Syria, particularly in preventing military confrontation between Turkey and Israel. Russia’s presence along the Syrian coast also reassures Tel Aviv that Syrian ports will not be used to transport weapons to what Israel calls “extremist factions.”

Damascus, in turn, seeks to leverage Putin’s relations with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to reduce Israeli airstrikes on Syria, viewing this alignment as beneficial to multiple actors friendly to Washington, including Ankara and Tel Aviv.

Some members of Congress may have expressed anger, but they are not part of the decision-making institutions. Their frustration stems from the notion that the new Syria should completely sever ties with its Soviet-oriented past and that the new system should align itself with the West and a market economy.

However, the prevailing view in Washington is that a complete break between Damascus and Moscow is unrealistic.

Mohammed Abdul RahimSyrian journalist

U.S. Congressman Joe Wilson, known for his support of the Syrian revolution and backing of the Syrian government, called for the removal of Russian bases from Syria. Writing on the platform X on October 15, he said that “every effort must be made to remove Putin’s murderous, criminal bases from Syria.”

Syrian journalist Mohammed Abdul Rahim said Washington understands the complexity of Syrian-Russian relations, which span nearly 80 years and involve military construction, debt, investments, and a longstanding alliance. He noted that Moscow can offer weapons in exchange for goods, whereas Western countries do not.

From European Silence to Concern and Alarm

After the fall of the Assad regime, visiting European delegations presented several demands to the new Syrian government, foremost among them the complete withdrawal of Russian forces from Syria. German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, during her visit to Damascus on January 3, emphasized that Putin had provided long-term support to Bashar al-Assad, covered up his crimes, and sustained his regime.

Thomas Lindner, Germany’s Special Coordinator for Syrian Affairs, told Der Spiegel on January 16 that Russia’s military presence in Syria “has wider implications for Europe’s security,” describing Moscow as “the greatest security threat to Europe in the foreseeable future.”

French researcher Dorothée Schmid, a Middle East policy expert, told Enab Baladi that Europe’s opposition to Russia’s presence in Syria stems from several factors, notably its marginalization in the Syrian conflict, where Moscow backed Assad while European powers demanded his downfall.

She said Russia’s position on the Mediterranean through Syria worries Europe strategically, adding that Europeans fear Putin’s growing diplomatic and military foothold in the Middle East.

Schmid attributed Europe’s muted reaction to the al-Sharaa-Putin meeting to a mix of limited geopolitical understanding and cautious skepticism toward Syria’s new leadership, noting that al-Sharaa’s Islamist past remains under scrutiny and that Gulf states and Turkey now play leading roles in supporting the new Syrian government.

She described Europe’s inaction as a form of “strategic shortsightedness” reinforced by Putin’s pressure on neighboring European states, saying this pressure has caused European panic that prevents broader thinking about Russia’s repositioning, including its expansion into the Middle East and the Caucasus.

When asked whether there was a unified European stance from countries such as Britain, Germany, and France, Schmid replied that no such common position exists and that most European analysts find this lack of consensus surprising.

She added that in France, ties with Russia were never fully severed even after al-Sharaa assumed office; they are now simply taking a more structured and regular form.

For France, she said, attention is focused on the situation in Palestine, where Paris sees potential diplomatic leverage, while it remains hesitant about Syria’s reconstruction.

In Germany, the strongest opponent of Putin within the European Union, concerns center on Central and Eastern Europe, with the Middle East ranking far lower in its priorities. As for Britain, Schmid described its approach toward Syria as one of “structural caution.”

She concluded that Europe remains a relatively marginal player in this field, aware that it lacks decision-making power and views the confrontation with Russia as one that will ultimately unfold on European soil

Al-Sharaa Climbs the Kremlin Stairs: Interests Rise from the Ashes of War Enab Baladi.

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