President Donald Trump’s newly announced “compact” with higher education is the latest of a series of political broadsides against American universities. The compact began as a political stunt for nine “select” universities, but reflects a general policy: sign over control or you may not get any federal support for students or research.
[time-brightcove not-tgx=”true”]Even though we think no one should sign Trump’s agreement, this moment should still be taken seriously. Today, many Americans feel higher education has become distant, inward-looking, and out of step. That frustration is real. The solution the Trump Administration proposes, however, is a dangerous overreach that would irrevocably damage universities, the future of science, and the American economy, rather than revitalizing and strengthening them.
The hard truth is that higher education in the United States is at a turning point. The old social contract—broad public trust and funding in exchange for academic freedom and institutional autonomy—is unraveling. If universities themselves do not help write the next chapter of that story, someone else will.
For many Americans, universities appear more like fortresses than forums. They seem bureaucratic, unaccountable, and ideologically narrow. Campus speech debates harden into trench warfare. Protests echo through quads while actual debate grows more brittle. Many conservative students say they feel unwelcome. Rural students and working-class families see rising costs and wonder if the benefits are worth it. Even people who support higher education sense a growing distance between universities and the world outside.
This discontent is fertile ground for politicians looking to reshape the sector. Trump’s plan does just that, tying federal funding to a legally enforced mandate to enforce its own formulation of “viewpoint diversity” and playing a direct role in monitoring said viewpoints.
The problem is not that universities should resist change. The problem is that this type of government control would suffocate the fundamental value of college.
American universities work precisely because they are not arms of the federal government. Their autonomy has allowed science, technology, and culture to flourish. Mandating political neutrality as defined by elected officials would freeze universities into ideological submission. Research agendas would narrow. Faculty would not just self-censor, they would be censored. Freedom of inquiry for faculty and students, and indeed the vibrancy of campus life, would be crippled.
At the same time, rejecting the compact’s assault without acknowledging the underlying frustrations is naïve. Tuition rises even as public trust falls. For decades, universities have relied on the assumption that their legitimacy was self-evident. It’s not anymore.
A new compact for all
The path forward is neither Trump’s crackdown nor the ivory tower’s inertia. It’s a new compact between universities and the public: one that opens the doors wider, not slams them shut.
That begins with intellectual robustness. Innovation happens when different people, ideas, and perspectives collide. A university that welcomes debate across ideological lines isn’t a “political” institution—it’s a healthy one. We need campuses where conservative, liberal, libertarian, progressive, religious, secular, urban, and rural perspectives can be aired and challenged without fear.
Academic freedom has two main tenets. The first is that any restrictions or constraints on the freedom of inquiry will both hamper the core functions of the university and lead to less innovation, less creativity, and less risk in taking up new ideas. The second is that in the United States, as stipulated by the Supreme Court in Sweezy v. New Hampshire, academic freedom is inseparable from the First Amendment.
To be clear, academic freedom is too often seen as a narrow prerogative of the professorial class. A commitment to academic freedom requires genuine openness to opposing views. But it should not stand in the way of changing some of the fundamental structures of the university that would help reduce costs for education, streamline research, uphold rigorous academic standards, and better connect the university to the new realities of the twenty-first century.
These goals do not, however, require abandoning the progress universities have made on racial, ethnic, economic, and gender diversity, or on rolling back access for talented international students. Quite the opposite. That progress has been one of the greatest engines of American innovation.
Programs that expanded access to higher education—from the GI Bill to civil rights-era affirmative action to Pell Grants and partnerships with historically Black colleges and universities—built ladders of opportunity for millions. They helped diversify not just campuses, but entire professions.
Consider the breakthroughs that came out of this wider access: medical research shaped by Black and Latino physicians and scientists; tech companies founded by first-generation college graduates; legal, cultural, and public health advances driven by people who were once systematically excluded from the classroom. Diversity has made universities better—more inventive, more dynamic, and more connected to communities.
That’s a lesson worth remembering as some political movements try to roll back these commitments. Diversity is not a political favor: it’s a proven driver of national strength.
Rethinking how universities govern themselves
A better path forward for American higher education requires universities to change from within. Too many institutions are trapped in bureaucratic slow motion. Decision-making is opaque. Disciplinary siloes inhibit openness to change. Reform is essential. Universities must be more transparent, nimble, and publicly engaged.
Critical federal funding can no longer be taken for granted. Universities must accordingly form deeper partnerships with communities, industries, and civic groups. Research must remain rigorous, hypothesis-driven, and subject to peer review, but it must also be responsive to public concerns and needs.
Universities have always been imperfect. But they are also one of America’s greatest assets. University research has led to significant advancements in medicine, technology, and agriculture, and boosted economic growth through patents and new industries. Universities are where cultural ideas are born and then sharpened through debate, and where engineers, nurses, poets, and artists learn their crafts.
Trump’s compact would discipline that beating heart into silence. But refusing to evolve is its own kind of failure.
This is the moment for universities to lead—to rewrite their deal with the public in ways that rebuild trust, broaden participation, and protect free inquiry. That means embracing diversity of all kinds. And seeing openness and difference not as threats, but as cherished resources that honor the many histories, viewpoints, origin stories, and forms of expertise that built our nation and our colleges in the first place.
If universities don’t take up that challenge, someone else will. And the country will be poorer for it.
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