An irrelevancy from the moment he belatedly ended his campaign in July of 2024, the former president has kept a low profile since leaving the White House. And for good reason. His arrogant insistence on running for re-election rather than making a dignified exit from office doomed his party and the country. Perhaps no single decision played a larger role in Donald Trump’s return to power.
Biden, battered by post-pandemic inflation and hounded by concerns about his age and health, left office with an abysmal approval rating in the high 30s. To the extent that he’s seen a post-presidency bump, it’s mostly thanks to comparisons with his disastrous successor: 51 percent of voters told a Harvard CAPS/Harris poll that Trump was doing a worse job than his predecessor, compared to 49 percent who said he was doing better. Still, there isn’t exactly a mass reconsideration of Biden’s presidency underway: A Newsweek poll this month found just 44 percent of voters viewed him favorably.
But Biden’s sudden reemergence can’t be so easily waved away. It makes him a potential issue in every election, and not just primaries. That’s a problem for Democrats more broadly, even if his support is helpful to some of them. A year and a half after the end of his presidency, he is not only deeply unpopular but a reminder of what a great many voters did not like about the party in 2024. His presence risks undercutting the party’s best message, which is that Trump’s policies are causing a massive spike in everyday costs, and neuters a pretty good one, which is that Trump’s mentally unfit for office.
Last month, the pollster Elliott Morris looked at how voters view both parties and—surprise—found that they really don’t like either of them. If Republicans came off worse, it was hardly surprising given that they control all three branches of government. Voters hated Democrats only somewhat less: 30 percent viewed the party “very unfavorably” compared to 42 percent who felt that way about the GOP.
The second is that independents like Democrats a lot more than Republicans—three times more, in fact. But they had unique concerns. Per Morris:
This is good news, too, in a way, because these are easy concerns to address. To win back the trust of these voters, Democrats can simply acknowledge that Biden was too old for the job and that he held on too long. That doesn’t mean embracing conspiracy theories about Biden’s health or even denigrating his administration’s accomplishments. It does, however, require being honest about his age, his disastrous decision to run for re-election, and his even more disastrous refusal to end his campaign until it was too late—as well as the broader party’s failure to force Biden’s hand in time to allow for a competitive primary. There can be no equivocation here, no hemming and hawing to placate party elders.
The counterargument is that none of this really matters when compared with the Boschian nightmare that is Trump’s second term. Voters don’t like Biden but he’s not the president—and they really hate the president. The list of things that they care about more than Biden is long. There’s good reason to shrug off concerns about his reemergence.
Do Democrats need to engage in a mass Maoist denunciation of Biden? Obviously not. But they do need to make it clear that that they’re not stuck in the past. Biden isn’t ready to move on, but Democrats need to.
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