The 2006 dystopian satire Idiocracy envisages a future in which humanity has selectively bred itself to be more stupid, meaning that a statistically average man picked to be cryogenically frozen in our time wakes up in the year 2505 to find himself the most intelligent person alive.
The film’s president of the United States is the former professional wrestler and porn star Dwayne Elizondo Mountain Dew Camacho, a man who fires a machine gun into the air to silence hecklers in the State of the Union address and seeks to solve a famine by watering America’s failing crops with energy drinks.
But even the writers of Idiocracy never had president Camacho threaten to wage war because he had been refused a Nobel Peace Prize. Presumably they felt it would be insufficiently believable.
Yet here we are – and we didn’t even have to wait 500 years to see something so objectively, stupidly unhinged happen in real life.
Where Donald Trump’s first term felt like watching a bull in a china shop, now the stampeding beast has crashed out through the store window and is intent on wrecking the whole town.
The consequences of having the most powerful man in the world acting like a school bully are manifold.
That he has set his sights on Nato, threatening to destroy the most successful defensive alliance in human history, right in the middle of the worst land war in Europe since 1945, is prime among them. Collapsing the mutual defences of the free world and opening the door for China to gain influence in the contested ground between democracies and autocracies may yet cost innumerable lives.
British politics, too, is being seriously buffeted by Storm Donald. The Prime Minister began 2026 declaring that time spent on anything other than the economy and the cost of living was time wasted. Now he is splitting his time between discouraging an American invasion of Greenland and bracing businesses for the impact of a tariff bomb flung as revenge for disagreeing with the White House.
Across the aisle, Reform – still leading in the polls despite a period of slow deflation – have a Trump problem of their own.
They are the most closely aligned with the US President of all major British political parties. Nigel Farage famously posed with “the Donald” in front of his gold lift in Trump Tower, has spoken at several of Trump’s rallies and can argue that his relationship with the occupant of the White House is better than his rivals’.
However, that association is a liability when Trump becomes ever more unpopular on this side of the Atlantic. According to YouGov, 61 per cent of British voters now think he has been a “terrible” or “poor” president – with 51 per cent plumping straight for “terrible” – versus 20 per cent voting “great” or “good”. As of December, his approval rating in the UK is -59 per cent which is, unenviably but nonetheless impressively, narrowly worse than that of Sir Keir Starmer.
Not that approval ratings in Britain matter a damn to the President of the United States, of course. But they matter a good deal to British politicians whose own reputations become entangled with his.
For Nigel Farage, that means a number of things. First, it’s a challenge even among his existing base of support. While 2024 Reform voters are by a long way the most pro-Trump, a solid 30 per cent of them held an unfavourable view of him even before his recent descent into ever greater acts of vandalism.
More troublingly, if Reform is thinking about extending its lead and winning new voters, the rest of the political landscape is very sceptical indeed of the US administration and its leader.
If Farage can keep the focus on his stronger topics – immigration and border control, the failure of the main parties, economic struggles and cancelled council elections – then he can of course attract new supporters.
But if Trump continues to force his way to the front of voters’ minds, then that places the news agenda squarely on one of Farage’s weaker subjects; put simply, there may be plenty of potential recruits out there who are disillusioned, but there aren’t many at all who would count themselves as Maga enthusiasts.
There are signs that the insurgent would-be prime minister knows this and needs to be careful about his position on the topic. He has spoken out about Greenlanders’ right to self-determination, and described the latest tariff raid as “wrong, bad and very, very hurtful”. Farage is an experienced and acute political operator, and displays every sign of being aware that when it comes to Trump he is at risk of ending up on the wrong side of popular, instinctive opinion.
In an effort to leverage his relationship with the White House into something positive, he has also promised to “have some words” with the American delegation in Davos, in the hope that the new tariff attack may be reduced or eliminated entirely.
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That’s probably Farage’s best option when it comes to turning the undeniable minus of their relationship into a plus, but it will only work if Trump actually listens.
There’s the rub. Look at the President’s recent and increasingly erratic behaviour: deriding allies, trampling hard-won friendships, denouncing nations which sent men and women to bleed and die for America in Afghanistan as unreliable and now threatening war within Nato itself.
Right now, Trump doesn’t look like he is in the mood to listen to anyone.
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