Every ally of the United States needs to acknowledge something. It may not be a fact you speak out loud when you’re in Washington, but your future depends on you being clear-eyed for the next few years about this stubborn reality: Donald Trump’s character defects cannot be contained – and some nations are exploiting them to create chaos.
The war in Iran – the one Trump promised would be over in days – has dragged into a fifth month because America’s adversaries want it to drag on, and have learned that the cheapest way to prolong it is to keep insulting the man in charge.
Indeed, Iran is delivering a masterclass in how to bait the US President.
Unfortunately, I learned how easily Trump could be played during his first term, when I served as chief of staff at the Department of Homeland Security.
Foreign governments sorted themselves early into two schools of Trump management. Most allies chose flattery. Their delegations arrived pre-briefed to compliment him in the opening minutes of any meeting, and their summits were choreographed around the pageantry he craved. It worked with depressing regularity, and career diplomats watched hard-won American leverage walk out the door because a foreign leader had mastered the art of the compliment.
Adversaries studied the same man and often reached for the opposite tool, if it gained them leverage. The hunger for respect that makes Trump easy to flatter also makes him even easier to provoke.
A well-aimed insult could send the President into a tailspin and upend the operations of the White House and the federal government for a day or more. I sat in meetings that were scheduled to be about policy and became instead about payback, about what some foreign figure had said on television and how tough the response should look.
Praise and provocation. Two sides of the same Trump coin.
North Korea pulled the second lever first and pulled it hardest. In 2017, Pyongyang timed its missile launches for maximum spectacle, called the President a “dotard” in state media and baited him into threatening “fire and fury”. We were baffled by how easily he was sucked into the tit-for-tat.
Kim Jong-un and Trump shake hands during their historic meeting on 30 June, 2019 in the Demilitarized Zone dividing North and South Korea (Photo: Brendan Smialowski/AFP)Having proved that strategy could jerk Trump’s emotions on command, Kim Jong-un then switched levers and offered respect. The summits followed, then the love letters. Kim banked legitimacy that no North Korean leader had ever enjoyed by luring a US president onto his shores; kept every warhead; and purchased years of American inattention. He remains the only world leader to have worked both sides of the coin so expertly in a single term.
Washington insiders treated that episode as a punchline, but evidently the regime in Iran treated it as an instruction manual.
If you have any doubt, just look at what the Iranians have done since the war began in February. Regime propagandists have flooded the internet with videos ridiculing Trump, with content engineered for an audience of one. Murals in Tehran depict his death and menace his family. Assassination plots keep surfacing in public view rather than staying in the shadows, where a serious intelligence service would normally keep them, which tells you publicity is the point.
The regime has studied Trump for a decade. They know their taunts goad him, maybe not always exactly how they’d hope, but enough to give them leverage the regime has never had before.
They’ve developed influence over a man who sees this as a personal feud. And in doing so, they put him in a position where he offered perhaps the most absurd deal America has ever offered to an enemy just weeks into a war. Namely, the Trump administration has said it is ready to help hand hundreds of billions of dollars to Iran for ‘reconstruction’, in exchange for promises Tehran has already made, and to reopen a strait – the Strait of Hormuz – that had previously been open.
Iran has now spurned the US’s offer.
A giant anti-US billboard in Tehran featuring the US President in a coffin and the Persian words ‘We Kill Trump’ (Photo: AFP)Governments losing wars do not refuse golden exits unless someone is making it worth their while. I suspect, if you follow that trail, you’ll end up in Moscow and Beijing – two capitals where leaders have also learned to play Trump, where they see how effective Iran has been in taunting the US and where they see opportunity to keep weakening the world’s pre-eminent superpower.
To think Iran is continuing the war without taking direction from Russia and China is to ignore the fact that it depends on their autocratic patrons.
Three days before Trump’s second inauguration, Vladimir Putin and Iran’s president signed a 20-year strategic partnership treaty. In December, Iran finalised a purchase of Russian air defence systems worth almost $590m. Since the shooting started, Western outlets have reported that Russia passed intelligence to Iran on US military targets, and coached Iranian forces on drone tactics refined in Ukraine.
Meanwhile, Chinese firms supplied dual-use technology and Beijing kept the Iranian regime solvent by buying its sanctioned oil.
The logic in Moscow and Beijing is cold and sound. Neither will fight for Iran, because neither wants or indeed needs to put boots on the ground. A US bogged down in the Gulf cannot adequately resupply Ukraine, cannot reinforce the Pacific and cannot adequately lead the West. Every month this war grinds on, Putin’s position in Europe improves and Xi Jinping’s arithmetic on Taiwan gets friendlier.
Iran is bleeding badly, but Iran’s patrons profit by backing it, and Tehran has evidently decided that wounding the superpower is worth its own injuries.
A stable US president would see this obvious trap and starve it. Would recognise that his enemies are conspiring and exploiting his ego, and would decline, publicly and repeatedly, to be baited. Yet in four decades of public life, Trump has not been known to decline a bait. Now he is preparing to double down again in what some officials say might become a wider war.
Plumes of smoke rise after a strike in Tehran in March (Photo: Atta Kenare/AFP)So let me forecast where this goes for nations whose lives and fortunes depend, in part, on the whims of a mercurial leader who’s fashioned himself a gaudy, gold-plated palace in Washington.
Iran will drag the US into an expanded air campaign. The regime will deploy more proxies to harass shipping and American bases at a tempo calibrated to justify the next sortie without ever forcing a decision. In other words, it will keep the war too hot to leave and too cold to win.
Meanwhile, we should be watching for Russia probing Nato’s edges while US aircraft carriers idle in the Gulf. We should also be watching for China to grow bolder around Taiwan on the theory that Washington cannot manage two crises at once. And we should be watching for Iran to dangle negotiations again at the moment of maximum political damage, perhaps weeks before the US midterms, so that accepting a deal looks like surrender and refusing one extends the bleeding.
Sadly, I doubt the White House will be watching the first two because the President will be so personally distracted by the third.
Trump will not rescue himself from this. His character was settled long ago, and no adviser that I worked with has ever successfully talked him out of a grievance, at least not in the long term.
The exit ramp has to be built by others. Republicans need to deliver the message their pollsters are already whispering, which is that a grinding war will badly damage them in the midterms. If warnings fail, Congress holds the power of the purse. Lawmakers voting to constrain war funding is not a US weakness, it may be the only thing that prevents us from squandering whatever strength we have left.
America’s enemies are spending next to nothing on insults and cartoons to purchase the exhaustion of the West. Until Trump learns that taking the bait is more expensive than restraint, they will keep getting serious value for their money.
Miles Taylor is a former chief of staff at the US Department of Homeland Security and has served on Capitol Hill, in the White House and at the Pentagon. He is a No 1 New York Times bestselling author, regular national security commentator and democracy reform leader
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