Marina Marhej | Wasim al-Adawi | Lama Diab | Omar Alaa Eldin
Syria’s new legislative authority, whose members were elected on October 5 through a mixed system and by indirect voting, faces a cascade of complex tasks. These begin with passing legislation and ratifying treaties and agreements issued after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024, and extend to reviewing previous laws and relocating conflicts to the halls of the People’s Assembly for debate under its dome, after the body had for decades served merely as a façade for the former authority and its dominant party.
The recent elections have sparked questions about the ability to form a new parliament that can fill the legislative vacuum amid political, military, and economic circumstances, in addition to sectarian and ethnic divisions and the security breakdown shaping the overall climate.
Under the mechanism established by the Constitutional Declaration, regional bodies formed by a Higher Committee whose members were appointed by President Ahmed al-Sharaa elected two-thirds of the 210 members of the assembly, while al-Sharaa will appoint the remaining third to ensure fair representation and competence.
At a press conference to announce the results on October 6, attended by Enab Baladi, the spokesperson for the Higher Committee for Elections, Nawar Najmeh, said that “the number of seats filled in these elections is 119,” while 21 seats remain vacant for As-Suwayda (southern Syria) and the provinces of Raqqa (northern Syria) and al- Hasakah (northeastern Syria), which are under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).
A total of 1,578 candidates ran in the elections, 14% of whom were women, distributed across 50 electoral districts.
In this file, Enab Baladi explores the role of Syria’s new People’s Assembly and discusses the challenges it faces in exercising its legislative powers under current political and economic conditions, while presenting experts’ and analysts’ views on efforts and reforms that could enhance the effectiveness of the legislative authority and support state stability during the transitional phase.
Power dominance amid flaws in representationAt a session hosted by the “Salon Syria for Thought and Culture” on 9 October, attended by Enab Baladi, the spokesperson for the High Committee for People’s Assembly Elections, Nawar Najmeh, stressed the importance of national dialogue. He argued that “dialogue for dialogue’s sake” yields no practical results and should instead take place under the People’s Assembly dome, where legislation, the constitution, and agreements can be discussed calmly and effectively.
He linked civil peace directly to nationwide dialogue, adding that the People’s Assembly can catalyze peaceful coexistence and encourage development rooted in legitimacy, an approach he said underpinned the rise of Gulf states and the Asian Tigers. Najmeh emphasized the need for new laws to enable economic prosperity and predicted the legislature would help shape a permanent constitution.
Power dominance
These aspirations may be undercut by how seats are distributed, especially for any dialogue on laws and agreements. A study by The Day After (TDA) evaluating the electoral process reached conclusions at odds with the High Committee’s ambitions, notably:
Lack of diversity and representation: The process produced a chamber dominated by a single political color aligned with the executive, failing to reflect Syria’s social diversity. Weak political participation: Entry to the chamber did not stem from platforms or genuine elections but from individual selections, sapping political pluralism and the body’s ability to legislate and independently oversee the executive. Executive dominance: The process was run entirely by the executive without guarantees of an independent High Committee. This appeared in scheduling confusion and legal irregularities. Absent national dialogue: The chamber was formed without completing national dialogue or implementing the March 10 Agreement, and amid tension and security violations. Large social segments stayed away or rejected the process. Thin social and political representation: Many political and community forces were absent, undermining credibility and the future of dialogue and peacebuilding. Weak representation of women: Although a floor of 20% for women was stipulated, the committee fell short: about 14% in the electoral bodies and only 5% in chamber membership. Limited revolutionary participation: Some revolutionary and pro-government groups took part and expressed satisfaction, but other revolutionary segments felt marginalized and unequal compared to the past.
Only six women won seats in the elected People’s Assembly out of 119 members (October 5, 2025, AFP).
Religious imbalance…
Ethnic balancingAccording to an analytical paper by the Jusoor for Studies Center, the People’s Assembly elections produced a religious and sectarian imbalance: Christians received only one seat, under 1 percent, with no representation in Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, Hama, Latakia, or Daraa. The sole Christian seat came from the city of Safita (Tartus governorate, western Syria).
By contrast, Muslims won 118 seats: 113 for Sunnis, about 95 percent; three for Alawites, just over 2.5 percent; and two for Ismailis, just over 1.5 percent, with no representation for the Murshidiyah and none for the Druze. The paper argued that the absence of Druze representation was not only due to the postponement of the vote in Suwayda (southern Syria), but also to the lack of Druze nominees in other districts such as Rural Damascus and Idlib (northwestern Syria).
As for ethnic representation, 111 of the winners were Arabs, over 93.25 percent, with four Kurds, just over 3.25 percent, and four Turkmen, just over 3.25 percent. Other ethnicities, particularly Circassians, were absent.
Accordingly, Jusoor’s paper said the elections yielded a form of “fair ethnic representation” in some areas: Afrin (northwest Aleppo countryside, northern Syria), a Kurdish-majority area, had exclusively Kurdish representation, and one seat in Aleppo city also went to a Kurd. The Turkmen won one seat in Homs and another in Latakia, plus two in Aleppo, one in the countryside, and one in the city.
Women were pushed out of the race
Women’s success rate in the elections was about 4 percent, leaving men with around 96 percent of the elected seats. The High Committee had pledged 20 percent female participation in the electoral bodies, but the result fell short at about 14 percent.
Speaking at the forum hosted by the Salon Syria for Thought and Culture, the People’s Assembly Elections Committee spokesperson, Nawar Najmeh, argued that what pushed women out of the race was their “strength, not weakness.” He said women ran their campaigns efficiently and programmatically, while men formed alliances to gather votes from members of the electoral bodies.
Lara Aizouqi, a member of the High Committee who also took part in the forum, attributed women’s absence from the legislature to two factors: lack of political will by the state and women’s political awareness. “We tried to support women, but they did not agree among themselves. Today we need political will from the state and political awareness among women to achieve partnership,” she said, rejecting the label of “male dominance.” She added that women would have a good share of the roughly 70 seats to be appointed by Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa.
Why representation is weak
Among the six women who did win seats was candidate Nour Jandali, who took 129 votes in Homs. Speaking to Enab Baladi as a candidate who experienced the process, Jandali cited overlapping reasons for weak female representation, notably:
The absence of quotas or guaranteed mechanisms for women during the transition Instability and the resulting fear of participation, and the perception of politics as a minefield Social and economic burdens that shrank women’s electoral base as voters and candidates A lack of leadership training and political and media literacy programs that would equip women to compete confidently, compared with those who have long experience in this field Social pressure and personal fear force a female candidate to undergo a double test, proving professional competence while defending family and community choicesJandali’s priorities start with what most troubles people: education as an absolute priority for rebuilding the Syrian person; the economy, better public services, and stronger social bonds among Syrians in step with reconstruction. She said she will focus on women and the Syrian family, because “reviving society passes through protecting women and the family from the effects of war, displacement, and poverty.” She will also prioritize a genuinely representative, free, and independent parliament as a “national necessity” in the rebuilding phase.
My message to Syrian women is to move from waiting and watching to action and to remember that politics is not the preserve of a few, but a collective responsibility toward the homeland. Politics requires awareness, flexibility, and insistence on principle without fanaticism.
Nour Jandali,
member of the new People’s Assembly
At the same time, meaningful political participation by women is one of the values of a “living democracy,” according to Malak Touma, director of the “Right to Write” initiative. She told Enab Baladi that Syria faces post, “political stalemate and the departure of the former regime” challenges, and needs political and legal will to activate practical mechanisms for fairer integration of women in politics. She added that the claim that Syrian women “did not master the electoral game at this stage” is hard to generalize, but can describe real obstacles hindering women’s political participation.
Touma said what women need from the People’s Assembly are laws that protect “dignity and justice,” and address social, economic, and legal security issues that affect women’s lives and increase their agency in society and the state. She said it is important to have internal Assembly committees that monitor women’s employment rates in government institutions, ministries, and decision-making positions.
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, during his visit to the polling center at the National Library in Damascus on October 5, 2025 (SANA).
Criticism and justifications…
Awaiting the “president’s list”After the election of the electoral bodies that choose members of the chamber, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa is expected to appoint the remaining one-third of members.
Expectations for the president’s list include correcting religious and gender imbalances and focusing on competence. Yet controversy surrounds it over fears it will further entrench executive dominance over the Assembly.
Appointing one-third of members fundamentally affects how democratic the system is classified, according to Mashhoor Salameh, a researcher in international relations and diplomacy and a strategic planning academic. He said this indicates:
A legitimacy flaw, since having one-third of members appointed by the executive undermines the principle that parliament alone represents the popular will. Eroded independence, because such appointments create a pre-aligned voting bloc inside the chamber, limiting freedom of legislative decision-making. Classification concerns, as the system looks more like a flawed or hybrid democracy during its transitional phase.Salameh also stressed that the appointed third could be a lifeline to achieve the needed balance. In any assembly and election, there will be regional and communal disparities given the Muslim majority, even under absolute integrity, so the appointed third can be used to impose balance among regions and components.
Private, international, and public law professors who asked not to be named argued that, following common practice when revolutionary forces take power, the transitional president might have been better off directly appointing the entire People’s Assembly, on the condition that members be chosen from legal, constitutional, and legislative elites and other needed specialties, while observing Syria’s social diversity and ensuring representation of all components. This, they said, would have been preferable to the procedures followed in the recent electoral process.
They cited numerous precedents where revolutionary authorities appointed members of parliaments or constituent bodies from available experts to oversee drafting a permanent constitution, after which a new parliament would be elected, such as France in 1789, Venezuela in 1999, and Mexico in 1916.
Presidential powers
Among the criticisms of the electoral mechanism is the authority granted to the transitional president under Decree 143 of 2025, the Temporary Electoral System for the Syrian People’s Assembly, namely, appointing one-third of members. Critics say this weakens the legislature’s independence and raises questions over representative legitimacy.
The new electoral system was also faulted for relying on centralized electoral bodies and hierarchically formed subcommittees, making the vote indirect and reducing the Syrian public’s role in choosing representatives. Law professors added that the exclusion of millions of Syrians abroad, either for lack of documents or because they were not included in the electoral bodies, diminished inclusiveness and credibility.
The electoral system applied in Syria has been described as a fully closed-list proportional model, placing candidate selection in the hands of the state and reducing the voter’s ability to choose a representative directly. This risks weakening future links between voters and MPs unless members subsequently tour all regions and provinces to reconnect with citizens and their concerns.
By contrast, journalist and civic activist Lara Aizouqi said the new system was built on direct meetings with citizens and on feedback and criticism sent to the committee. Although there were incidents of bullying and accusations, most came from citizens keen on the nation’s interest.
The elections saw objections from revolutionary figures, especially in Damascus and Rural Damascus, after their candidacies were canceled. Objections appeared formally and on social media, sparking wide debate over acceptance and rejection criteria.
Aizouqi explained that the proportion of revolutionaries in Syria is large, while available seats in the People’s Assembly do not exceed 170, making it impossible to include everyone, especially given clear conditions and criteria for nomination. She stressed that the committee did not deliberately exclude any candidate. Rather, appeals created imbalances in the preliminary lists, which forced the committee to reshuffle them according to representation ratios for components, social groups, specialties, and notable figures.
What is Syria’s system of government?
Dr. Mashhoor Salameh, said Syria’s system is closest to a dual presidential model with a parliamentary façade, but in essence, it is a transitional system that allows gradual change from a constitutional declaration to a new constitution.
He added that the current system cannot be neatly classified within classic constitutional types, whether presidential, parliamentary, or semi-presidential. It is a hybrid transitional system with the following features:
Executive authority: the transitional president wields very broad powers, making him the system’s pivot and decision maker. A weak legislature: although the current People’s Assembly is partially elected, it lacks effective oversight and legislative powers that could balance the president’s authority.How the legislature changed between 2012 and 2025
A comparison between the 2012 Constitution and Syria’s new Constitutional Declaration shows clear differences in how the legislature is formed, its term of office, its powers, the symbolism of the oath, immunity guarantees, and relations with the executive. The point is not only textual, but what each framework says about the legislature’s role, independence, and the political phase envisaged.
Key differences include:
Formation, from election to appointment: The legislature moved from general, secret, direct, and equal suffrage that pointed to popular participation, however limited in practice and despite appointments under the former Syrian authorities, to a body whose majority is chosen under executive supervision or appointment. This practically cancels the power balance that the separation of powers should ensure.
Term, from fixed to temporary: The 2012 Constitution set a four-year term extendable only in wartime, providing stability. The Declaration cut the term to 30 months, renewable, making the chamber temporary and subject to the will of the authority that may extend it.
Powers: Both texts mention passing laws, the budget, and general amnesties, but the 2012 Constitution clearly granted questioning and no-confidence tools, while the Declaration makes no mention of these oversight powers and merely allows for ministerial hearings, weakening oversight and pushing the chamber toward an advisory role.
Oath and representation: The oath shifted from a commitment to the homeland and respect for the constitution and laws to a more individual pledge to perform duties faithfully, weakening the link between the MP and the constitution as a source of legitimacy.
Immunity and independence: The 2012 Constitution entrenched parliamentary immunity and required Assembly consent to prosecute members outside sessions, affirming that a deputy represents the entire people and is not bound by constraints. The Declaration notes parliamentary immunity in a brief clause without detailing procedures to lift it, leaving wide room for interpretation that could weaken independence before the executive.
Executive relationship, from oversight to dependency: The Declaration does not make the government politically accountable to the legislature. The Assembly lacks real oversight tools, unlike the 2012 provisions requiring a government statement within 30 days and enabling accountability and no confidence, which, although limited in practice, still embodied the principle of political responsibility to the public.
The subcommittee tallies votes during candidate elections at the al-Zabadani center (Rif Dimashq province, southwestern Syria) on October 5, 2025 (Enab Baladi/Omar Alaa Eldin).
Internal rules and pending agreements
Priorities that require specialized committeesThe Constitutional Declaration stipulates that the new People’s Assembly must draft its rules of procedure within one month of its first session to align the legislature with the needs of Syria’s transitional phase and prepare it to handle new challenges.
The complexities of Syria’s situation, at home and abroad, raise questions about priorities: should the focus be economic legislation, security, or transitional justice?
Questions also arise about the Assembly’s powers and oversight tools, given that the legislature represents the people and is responsible for holding other authorities to account.
800 draft laws on hold
More than 800 draft laws are awaiting action by the People’s Assembly, hindering the work of ministries and public bodies, according to High Elections Committee member Lara Aizouqi. Many of these laws historically served narrow interests at the expense of the public, which makes it incumbent on the Assembly to pass fairer, more effective, and cleaner legislation free of carve-outs and favoritism.
Ahmed Qorbi, a researcher at the Syrian Dialogue Center, told Enab Baladi the internal rules should focus on two core points: first, creating a lean, effective mechanism for passing legislation; second, setting clear accountability tools compatible with the presidential system recently adopted, where oversight is limited to questions and investigative committees, with no provisions for interpellation or no-confidence since they are not mentioned in the Declaration.
Specialized committees
Qorbi argued that the transitional phase requires specialized committees to handle sensitive, essential files, such as an investment committee, a reconstruction committee, and a rights and liberties committee, to prevent a return to authoritarian abuses.
He also called for a finance and general budget committee, a committee for women’s affairs and transitional justice, and a committee for property legislation or legislation in general, especially issues related to real estate and urban development.
He explained that urban development is executive by nature, but investment should remain a top priority. He stressed institutional reform and organizing committee work inside the Assembly, highlighting the need for a clear pathway for bills through committees before they reach the floor, so they are discussed and win majority approval among members. This approach speeds up lawmaking and reduces prolonged plenary debates.
He added that any bill backed by around 60 to 70 percent of a committee’s members shortens the time and effort needed during parliamentary debate. He stressed that the rules must balance speed and rigor and that intensive committee deliberations before referral to plenary will save time and ensure higher quality legislation supported by a majority of members.
As for near-term legislative priorities, Qorbi placed the rules of procedure at the top but said other tracks must move in parallel, in line with the transitional phase: public services, institutional reform, investment, public order, and combating hate speech.
Mashhoor Salameh, a researcher in international relations and diplomacy and a strategic planning academic, said the legislature’s independence is “limited” at present. As set out in the Constitutional Declaration, the People’s Assembly is a consultative and legislative body with narrow powers and lacks real financial, administrative, or political autonomy from the executive.
He noted there is “theoretical” scope to change the Assembly’s status and grant it genuine oversight and legislative authority, but that requires:
High-level political will from Syria’s president Amending the Constitutional Declaration itself to activate the Assembly’s role, such as granting the right to question the government and ministers and to withdraw confidence from the government or one of its members Real financial oversight of the budget The ability to initiate and pass laws independently, not merely debate themAccountability in the internal rules… a priority
A key point the draft rules must address, according to Qorbi, is revising accountability provisions. The Declaration mentions the right to submit questions to the government but does not address interpellation, which makes it necessary to revisit the matter in the new internal rules.
He also considered transitional justice and codifying offenses that criminalize war crimes and grave human harm among the most pressing files. These issues are interlinked and cannot be addressed in isolation, but must advance together to secure justice and stability in the coming phase.
Voting begins to select members of Syria’s People’s Assembly by members of the electoral bodies at the National Library in Damascus on October 5, 2025 (Enab Baladi/Ahmad Muslimani).
From the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies to Assad
Parliamentary life in Syria, historicallyRepresentative political life in Syria began in 1877 with Syrians’ participation in the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebusan), marking the first step toward aparliamentary experience.
In 1919 and 1920, the Syrian General Congress convened in Damascus, declared independence, pledged allegiance to King Faisal as a constitutional monarch, and adopted a provisional constitution.
Under the French Mandate (1920–1946), several parliaments were formed, but the French authorities dissolved them whenever they demanded independence. In 1928, a constituent assembly drafted a progressive republican constitution that France then suspended. As independence neared (1943–1946), the national parliament, led by National Bloc figures such as Faris al-Khoury and Shukri al-Quwatli, played a central role in achieving sovereignty.
After independence in 1946, the first elected parliament of independent Syria was formed. However, the coup cycle of 1949 (Husni al-Za’im, Sami al-Hinnawi, Adib al-Shishakli) disrupted or repeatedly reshaped parliamentary life. Al-Za’im dissolved parliament; al-Hinnawi convened a constituent assembly that adopted the 1950 Constitution, often regarded as the country’s most liberal. Al-Shishakli suspended parliamentary life between 1951 and 1954, before it partially returned; with his fall in 1954, relatively free elections were held, and a lively chamber emerged until 1958.
The United Arab Republic was declared between Syria and Egypt in 1958, and a 600-member National Assembly was established (400 from Egypt and 200 from Syria). The Syrian parliament was effectively dissolved, and parliamentary life was folded into the union’s framework, dominated by Cairo and President Gamal Abdel Nasser.
After the 1961 secession, elections were held for a new parliament and constituent body aimed at restoring the democratic 1950 Constitution, but internal political and military disputes weakened the chamber and undermined constitutional stability.
With the 8 March 1963 coup, the Baath Party took power and abolished parliament, creating an appointed “National Council for the Leadership of the Revolution.” A “National Council of the Revolution” followed, but it was largely symbolic and subordinate to the party’s Regional Command.
Amid Baathist infighting between 1966 and 1970, attempts to revive a real legislature stalled until Hafez al-Assad’s November 1970 coup paved the way for the People’s Assembly established by the 1973 Constitution.
The 1973 Constitution created a standing, 250-member People’s Assembly elected by popular vote. Although the constitution granted formal legislative powers, passing laws and the budget, ratifying treaties, and debating public policy, Article 8, which made the Baath Party “the leader of state and society,” left the chamber effectively under the Baath-led National Progressive Front.
Under Bashar al-Assad (2000–2024), the Assembly’s basic structure remained, with limited election-law tweaks ending the Baath’s constitutional monopoly. Despite the 2012 Constitution’s nominal opening to greater party pluralism, practical control remained with the ruling party, and genuine opposition was absent. The 2020 and 2024 elections took place amid war and economic crisis, with the National Progressive Front parties and some independents participating, leaving parliamentary life more formal than genuinely democratic.
Legitimacy and Representation Battles… Under Syria’s Parliamentary Dome Enab Baladi.
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